Churchillʼs political career coincided with the considerable growth of the British labour movement in the first half of the twentieth century. Churchill was very hostile to communism and to militant trade unionism. His attitude to the Labour Party was mixed. He depicted it as a major threat to the social order during the period of red revolution in Europe after the First World War. By the later 1930s he was ready to work with Labour supporters of rearmament and the Labour Party was a major partner in his Second World War coalition government. While hostile to militant trade unionism, he generally saw moderate trade unionism as a respected element of British democracy. He had a paternalistic concern for the wellbeing of the underdogs in British society, and he showed this in practical measures such as minimum wages in sweated trades (under his Trades Board legislation before the First World War).

Labour was very important to Churchillʼs career, especially as the British labour movement grew in strength and as international communism became a threat in the interwar period. Churchill was usually well disposed towards moderate skilled trade unionism. Indeed, when he was building a big brick wall at Chartwell in the late 1920s and early 1930s, he joined the Amalgamated Union of Building Workers as an adult apprentice, [ 1 ] though there was an element of mischief in so doing (and unsurprisingly it aroused criticism among some building workers). [ 2 ] He was hostile to militant trade unionism. A vigorous opponent of communism, in the interwar period he often condemned British democratic socialism as either a direct threat to democracy or, like Russian socialism under Alexander Kerensky in Russia, ineffectual in the face of subversion. However, in 1940 the Labour Party was a crucial part of his coalition government and in 1941 he was very ready to form an alliance with Soviet Russia in the struggle against fascism.

Churchill was in Parliament most of the years 1900 to 1964. In this period the trade unions grew greatly in strength. From 2 million members in 1900, British and Northern Irish trade unions expanded to 4 million in 1910 and to 8.3 million in 1920, dropping to around 4 million until 1936, but growing again to over 10 million at the time of Churchillʼs death. The Labour Party became the second party in Britain after the First World War. From 142 Members of Parliament in 1922, Labour had 191 in 1923 and 151 in 1924, and became the largest party in the House of Commons with 287 MPs in 1929. After the severe setback of 1931, Labour secured 154 MPs in 1935 and 393 in 1945, when it won its first majority in the Commons. In 1950 it narrowly held on to power with 315 MPs, but thereafter its contingents of MPs declined to 295 in 1951, 277 in 1955 and 258 in 1959.

Before he became a parliamentary candidate in 1899 Winston Churchill had little contact with the industrial working class. He had been more used to estate workers and to those working for the Army. Other than his kind nanny, Mrs Everest, and his servant, George Scrivings, who died while in Churchillʼs employment in East Africa in 1908, Churchill made little mention of servants and, indeed, his summoning of them when he required a drink or other services was very much in a Victorian patrician style.

Churchill shared the aristocracyʼs fears of revolution, not least in regard to the Terror of the French Revolution, 1793-4, and the Paris Commune, 1871. He had hazy ideas of socialism. In his novel Savrola (1900) he confused the German Social Democrats with Anarchists. [ 3 ] As Home Secretary, he was to deal firmly with a small group of violent and criminal foreign anarchists in Sidney Street in the East End of London in 1911. In this he was criticised for acting as if still in the Army. However, he was able to justify his proactive role. [ 4 ] The Siege of Sidney Street did nothing to lessen his ongoing fears of anarchism and revolutionary socialism, which were long intertwined in his mind. When standing with a vehement anti-socialist, Conservative trade unionist in a by-election in Oldham in 1899, Churchill appears to have felt that such a working-class candidate was inevitably a socialist, or at least that was how he remembered the contest in My Early Life (1930), with himself as ʻa “scion” of the ancient British aristocracyʼ and James Mawdsley as a ʻsocialistʼ. [ 5 ] At the time of the by-election Churchill even saw Mawdsleyʼs candidature as ʻmarking the birth of a new party which has been for a very long time in the minds of a great section of our fellow-countrymen - a Conservative Labour Party. [ 6 ]

Churchillʼs outlook included a benevolent paternalism. He sought to ameliorate the lot of the less fortunate in society, expecting them in turn to conform to what he deemed to be the norms of the existing social order. Such attitudes became especially marked during his early Liberal Party years, notably when at the Board of Trade (1908-10) and the Home Office (1910-11). In a much quoted statement of his beliefs, Churchill emphasized his commitment to free market economics:

The existing organisation of society is driven by one mainspring - competitive selection. It may be a very imperfect organisation of society, but it is all we have got between us and barbarism… I do not want to see impaired the vigour of competition, but we can do much to mitigate the consequences of failure. [ 7 ]

Churchillʼs efforts to mitigate the consequences of failure, to ʻcast a safety net over the abyssʼ (as he put it on another occasion), was most marked by his trades boards legislation. Bringing in minimum wages for even relatively few workers divided opinion on the progressive end of politics, some feeling it would weaken trade unionism. [ 8 ] The trade boards were set up in sweated trades (trades in which workers were paid pitifully for long hours) under the Trade Boards Act, 1909. As the most exploited labour was female, women workers benefited disproportionately. With the initial trade boards women accounted for 70 per cent of the 200,000 workers covered. By 1914 the Trade Boards Act had been extended to cover a further 170,000 people. [ 9 ] For these people the legislation was a blessing.

Churchillʼs major social welfare initiatives benefited unemployed labour. Labour exchanges were effective in several British cities as well as in Germany. The first British ones had been set up in 1885, with the Salvation Army sponsoring them from 1890. In spite of government concerns over the level of public expenditure, Churchill introduced his Labour Exchanges Bill in May 1909. [ 10 ] The resulting Act gave the Board of Trade the power to establish labour exchanges where they were needed and it took over sixty-one existing exchanges. [ 11 ] Also, Churchill joined with David Lloyd George in the National Insurance Act, 1911, which was, perhaps, the most innovative of the social welfare measures introduced by the Liberal government (1905-15). Churchill was responsible for Part 2 of the Act, which provided unemployment insurance for some 2,230,000 workers in trades with high cyclical and seasonal unemployment. [ 12 ] Lloyd George and Churchill were motivated by altruism, a desire not to be surpassed by socialists and a belief that such measures were crucial for an efficient labour force in the face of German and American industrial competition. [ 13 ]

Like Lloyd George, his predecessor as President of the Board of Trade (1905-8), Churchill was notably proactive in seeking to resolve industrial disputes. Under the 1896 Conciliation Act a President of the Board of Trade could, with the agreement of both sides in a dispute, offer to try to find an acceptable solution, but (unlike arbitration) neither side was bound to accept what was offered. Churchill was pleased to appear centre stage as a man who could resolve threats of, or actual, industrial warfare. His efforts included an unsuccessful attempt to negotiate a new sliding-scale agreement in the cotton industry in order to avoid the persistent strikes and lockouts in the industry. He was also unsuccessful in getting agreement to give the government stronger powers of intervention in industrial disputes. [ 14 ]

While he was MP for Oldham, Churchill had experienced much contact with local trade unionists. These included J. R. Clynes, the future Labour Party leader (1921-2) and cabinet minister. Clynes failed to convince Churchill on various labour issues in 1899, but he did win him over to the cause of repealing the Taff Vale Judgement 1902 (which undid many of the rights the trade unions had enjoyed under 1871 and 1875 legislation). [ 15 ] As one of seventeen Conservative MPs who voted for a Trades Union Congress (TUC) backed bill to reverse the Taff Vale Judgement, Churchill made characteristic comments praising Benjamin Disraeliʼs Tory Democracy that was behind the 1875 legislation, which Churchill deemed to have created fairness in industrial relations between employers and employees. [ 16 ]

In the years before the high levels of labour unrest of 1911-21, Churchill was notably favourable in his remarks about trade unionism, as he was again after 1945. At Dundee in May 1908 he observed, ʻTrade unions are not socialistic. They are the antithesis of socialism. They are undoubtedly individualistic organisations, more in the character of the old guilds.ʼ Earlier, in November 1904, he spoke in favour of the right to strike. [ 17 ]

Churchill became more anxious about trade unions during the substantial labour unrest after 1910. As Home Secretary in February 1910 to October 1911, he was responsible for law and order during strikes. Until late in his career, Labour supporters in general elections shouted ʻTonypandyʼ at him. This referred to firm policing in November 1910 during a mining strike in which there were half-hearted attacks on the pits but rioting on the main street of Tonypandy. Churchill sent 800 London police into the area, rather than troops as the local authority wished, and the police were enough to restore peace without fatalities. Nevertheless, in folk memory Churchill was responsible for deaths at Tonypandy. This was to confuse events there with events at Llanelli in August 1911 during the national railway strike. At Llanelli, Churchill had agreed to the use of troops to protect the railways, and two people died when soldiers fired at a crowd attacking an engine driver. [ 18 ]

Churchill, the soldier, came to the fore in major industrial unrest. Paul Addison has written of Churchill in 1910-12 that when ʻsections of the working class began to challenge the stateʼs authority, Churchill adopted a belligerent posture: the spirit of insubordination must be brokenʼ. This he displayed during the railway dispute of 1912 when, according to a usually reliable source, he telephoned Lloyd George to say that he regretted Lloyd George had settled the dispute as ʻIt would have been better to have gone on and given these men a good thrashing.ʼ [ 19 ]

Churchill came back in contact with organised labour when he returned to office under David Lloyd George in July 1917. Like Lloyd George he was a dynamic Minister of Munitions, but Churchill was sometimes less skilful in dealing with the trade unions. This was shown when he became entangled in wage differential issues in munitions in October 1917 and afterwards. Churchill intended to remove major grievances of skilled engineers, notably by scrapping leaving certificates (without which workers could not be employed elsewhere, but which gave their current employers much power over them) and enhancing hourly pay. The granting of a 12.5 per cent bonus to skilled workers on hourly rates of pay set off demands by skilled piece-rate workers, semi-skilled and unskilled workers. Churchill was warned of the likely dire consequences of the 12.5 per cent award to one group of workers by Sir George Askwith, the Chief Industrial Commissioner, and Sir Lynden Macassey, head of the Shipyard Labour Department, but he ignored these warnings and had to face the bad consequences. [ 20 ]

With the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in October 1917, Churchillʼs old fears of revolutionary socialism and anarchism were given a new and major focus. Churchillʼs vehement hostility to Bolshevism helped alienate him from the Left of the British Labour movement. [ 21 ] Churchill, however, did take pains to rebut claims that he alone was behind the intervention and that he was trying to undermine the withdrawal of British troops. [ 22 ] Yet it is sometimes overlooked that several leading Labour Party figures - such as Arthur Henderson, J. R. Clynes, J. H. Thomas and Ernest Bevin - shared his hostility to communism and in 1919 some also supported outside intervention to oust the Bolsheviks. Indeed, Henderson had even denounced the Bolsheviks when he was in Russia between the February and October revolutions. [ 23 ]

After the First World War, Churchill was also vigorous in demanding firm action against militant miners and other workers. For instance, in February 1920, he strongly supported the use of the emergency transport organisation to keep supplies moving during a strike. ʻIt is not strike breaking,ʼ he told his cabinet colleagues, ʻit is feeding the people.ʼ [ 24 ] Churchill exhibited similar belligerence during the General Strike, 1926, which was solidarity action in support of the miners. This action he deemed to be a constitutional outrage. However, he saw the minersʼ actions in the coal lockout to be legitimate trade union activity.

Churchillʼs eagerness to play a leading role in combating the General Strike, not least his editorship of the British Gazette (the governmentʼs newspaper), identified him thereafter in the collective memory of the British labour movement as a virulent anti-labour figure. [ 25 ] Along with ʻTonypandyʼ, his role long remained a matter of resentment. Churchill later claimed his 1926 actions were consistent with his views before and after: that he fought with all his might to win, but in victory he displayed magnanimity. In 1926 he did seek a compromise to settle the coal dispute, but when his efforts failed he moved to remove financial relief from those miners and their families who remained obdurate. [ 26 ]

By the time of the General Strike Churchill had not only returned to the Conservative Party but had entered the cabinet in 1924 as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He had moved back to the Conservatives in stages since he had been a Liberal Coalitionist in Lloyd Georgeʼs coalition governments. By 1919 he had established himself as the leading ministerial advocate of intervention in Russia against the Bolsheviks. In February 1919 Lloyd George had even telegrammed Churchill to warn him that intervention was ʻthe road to bankruptcy and Bolshevism in these islandsʼ. [ 27 ] He also excelled in hostility to the more powerful Labour Party of post-First World War Britain. After the 1923 general election Churchill was prominent in urging Conservative-Liberal electoral understandings to keep Labour from office. [ 28 ] In a letter to The Times, 18 January 1924, he made it very clear that his politics were now dominated by hostility to socialism. In the letter he warned against a government of ʻa minority party innately pledged to the fundamental subversion of the existing social and economic civilizationʼ. After this letter it was clear that Churchill was returning to the Conservatives with a reputation as the leading anti-socialist in British politics. [ 29 ]

Churchill began building bridges with some of the Labour right-wing from 1936 with fears building in relation to Nazi Germany. He met Sir Walter Citrine, General Secretary of the TUC, Hugh Dalton MP, J. R. Clynes MP and others at lunches given by the Anti- Nazi Council. [ 30 ] Clement Attlee, the Labour Party leader, shared Churchillʼs concerns about Britainʼs air preparedness. More generally, Attlee, Ernest Bevin and Hugh Dalton moved Labourʼs defence policy away from its earlier anti-war attitudes. This common ground made Labourʼs leadership more willing to work with Churchill, having earlier deplored Churchillʼs stances over India and the Abdication Crisis, 1936.

In the Second World War Churchill drew on his experiences at the Ministry of Munitions in the First World War. In January 1940 he spoke of the need for more than a million women to work in the war industries, saying he would need the ʻaid and guidanceʼ of ʻour Labour colleagues and trade union leadersʼ. [ 31 ] Throughout his wartime premiership he was to rely heavily on Ernest Bevin, who was his Minister of Labour and National Service. As Bevinʼs biographer wrote, Churchill recognised that Bevin had ʻa toughness of mind, a self-confidence and strength of will which matched his ownʼ. [ 32 ] On several occasions Churchill paid tribute to the trade union role in the war effort. For instance, in 1941, he remarked that he could ʼnever forget the support and encouragement which the Trade Unions … gave me in the darkest days of 1940 and are giving with all their heart todayʼ. [ 33 ]

Churchillʼs Deputy Prime Minister in his wartime coalition government was the Labour Party leader, Clement Attlee. Attlee was an effective deputy, famous for his brevity and sharp focus when chairing meetings, a contrast to Churchill. Labour ministers, such as A. V. Alexander and Herbert Morrison, were effective members of Churchillʼs government. This made Churchillʼs 1945 general election speech in which he warned that the coming of socialism would require ʻsome form of Gestapo, no doubt very humanely directed in the first instanceʼ all the more shocking, even to members of his family. [ 34 ]

After his defeat in the 1945 general election Churchill reached out to working-class voters. Over the years he had mostly taken pains to stress the worthiness of trade unions. In the House of Commons in 1911 he had declared, ʻI consider that every workman is well advised to join a trade unionʼ, and urged trade union unity (unlike contented trade unionism often split between different political groups and religions). [ 35 ] Even in February 1919 he was saying, ʻThe curse of trade unionism was that there was not enough of it, and it was not highly enough developed to make its branch secretaries fall into line with head office.ʼ [ 36 ] After 1945 he was even more fulsome in his praise:

The trade unions are a long-established and essential part of our national life … we take our stand by these pillars of our British Society … of the right of individual labouring men to adjust their wages and conditions by collective bargaining, including the right to strike. [ 37 ]

At the 1950 Conservative Party Conference he returned to what he saw as the Tory Democracy themes of Disraeli and his father, Lord Randolph Churchill:

The salient feature of this conference has been the growing association of Tory democracy with the trade unions. After all it was Lord Beaconsfield and the Tory Party who gave British trade unionism its charter, and collective bargaining with the right to strike. I have urged that every craftsman or wage earner should of his own free will be a trade unionist, but I also think he should attend the meetings of his trade union and stand up for his ideas instead of letting only socialists and communists get control of what is after all an essentially British institution. [ 38 ]

With his return to office in 1951 Churchill was eager to avoid confrontations with the miners or trade unionists generally. [ 39 ] He appointed the emollient Sir Walter Monkton as Minister for Labour. Moncktonʼs approach was summed up by his observation, ʻI am a firm believer in government by consultation and consentʼ, an attitude which was to worry Conservatives concerned by increasing inflation. Churchill also personally cultivated moderate trade union leaders such as Vincent Tewson, the General Secretary of the TUC. [ 40 ]

Churchillʼs career was marked by strong hostility to socialism but usually a warm acceptance of trade unionism as a major element of British freedom. For him the trade unions were elements of Victorian individualism. In contrast, he was often vehement against ʻsocialismʼ, which he often saw as not British, and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia was a return to the horrors of the French Revolution, a nightmare for aristocrats. As for the Labour Party, after the First World War he liked to depict its leaders - even Arthur Henderson, Ramsay MacDonald and J. R. Clynes - as either dupes of extremists or even, occasionally, as wolves in sheepʼs clothing. Unlike David Lloyd George, there was never speculation that Churchill might join the Labour movement.

Chris Wrigley, Nottingham University

Chris Wrigley is Professor of Modern British History at Nottingham University. He is author of many books, including three on David Lloyd George, two on Churchill (Winston Churchill: A Biographical Companion, Santa Barbara/Oxford: ABC-Clio, 2002, and Churchill, London: Haus, 2006), one on Arthur Henderson and several on the history of British industrial relations. He was President of the Historical Association (1996-9), a Vice President of the Royal Historical Society (1997-2001) and both Chair (1997-2001) and a Vice President (2012-) of the Society for the Study of Labour History. He was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of East Anglia, 1998.

Footnotes

1. 1. A comment from ʻa Knight of the Bladeʼ on Winston Churchillʼs membership of the Amalgamated Union of Building Workers, n.d. but 1928, CHAR 1/201/67.
2. 2. J. J. Riley, letter regarding Winston Churchillʼs qualifications to join the Amalgamated Union of Building Workers, 10 October 1928, CHAR 1/201/24-25.
3. 3. Winston Churchill, Savrola (London: Beacon, 1957 [1900]), pp. 63 and 105.
4. 4. Winston Churchill, draft letters for the Coroner regarding his actions at Sidney Street, 10 January 1911, CHAR 12/11/4-5.
5. 5. Winston Churchill, My Early Life: A Roving Commission (London: Thornton Butterworth, 1930), chapter 17.
6. 6. Oldham, 29 June 1899, in Robert Rhodes James (ed.), Winston S. Churchill, His Complete Speeches, 1897-1963, vol. 1 (London: Chelsea House/New York: Bowker, 1974), p. 219; cutting from the Manchester Guardian, regarding the Oldham by-election, 1899, CHAR 2/1/18.
7. 7. Glasgow, 11 October 1906, in Winston Churchill, Liberalism and the Social Problem (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1909), p. 82.
8. 8. Observations on Womenʼs Industrial Council memorandum, ʻThe Case For and Against a Legal Minimum Wage for Sweated Workersʼ, CHAR 11/16/13-20
9. 9. Paul Addison, Churchill on the Home Front (London: Jonathan Cape, 1992), pp. 78-9.
10. 10. Sydney Buxton to Winston Churchill, regarding unemployment, 30 January 1909, CHAR 2/39/13; Winston Churchill, memorandum on labour exchanges and unemployment insurance, August 1912, CHAR 2/57/35-41; Labour Exchanges Committee Report, with Minute by Winston Churchill, 19 April 1909, and Supplementary Report, CHAR 11/35/3.
11. 11. Bentley B. Gilbert, The Evolution of National Insurance (London: Michael Joseph, 1966), pp. 37-8 and 260-62; Jose Harris, Unemployment and Politics (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), pp. 276-95.
12. 12. Gilbert, The Evolution, pp. 266-86; Harris, Unemployment, pp. 295-334; Sydney Buxton to Winston Churchill, regarding unemployment, 30 January 1909, CHAR 2/39/13.
13. 13. Edward Marsh to E. H. Kenney, conveying Churchillʼs views on unemployment insurance, 17 September 1912, August 1912, CHAR 2/57/49.
14. 14. Conference at Board of Trade, 4 March 1909, in Rhodes James, Winston S. Churchill, vol. 2, pp. 1181-3; Chris Wrigley, ʻThe government and industrial relationsʼ, in Chris Wrigley (ed.), A History of British Industrial Relations 1875-1914 (Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1982), pp. 145-6.
15. 15. Cutting from the Manchester Courier, regarding the Trades Disputes Bill, 20 January 1903, CHAR 2/5/6.
16. 16. Addison, Churchill on the Home Front, p. 42; Chris Wrigley, ʻChurchill and the Trade Unionsʼ, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, vol. 11, 2001, pp. 273-93; Rhodes James, Winston S. Churchill, vol. 1, pp. 274-6.
17. 17. Wrigley, ʻChurchill and the Trade Unionsʼ, p. 278.
18. 18. Randolph S. Churchill, Winston S. Churchill: Companion Volume 2: Young Statesman, 1901-1914 (London: William Heinemann, 1967), pp. 373-8. General Sir Nevil Macready, Annals of an Active Life, vol. 1 (London: Hutchinson, 1924), pp. 136-54.
19. 19. Addison, Churchill on the Home Front, p. 150.
20. 20. Chris Wrigley, David Lloyd George and the British Labour Movement (Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1976), pp. 219-22; Chris Wrigley, ʻThe Ministry of Munitions: An Innovatory Department?ʼ, in K. Burk (ed.), War and the State (London: Allen and Unwin,1982),pp. 32-56; Lord Askwith, Industrial Problems and Disputes (London: John Murray, 1920), pp. 426-45.
21. 21. Winston Churchill and Lord Curzon, correspondence regarding Admiral Kolchakʼs White Russian regime, 1 and 2 May 1919, CHAR 2/105/72, CHAR 2/105/73-74.
22. 22. Winston Churchill to the editor of the British Weekly, regarding the withdrawal of British troops from Russia, 31 January 1920, CHAR 2/110/6-15; Winston Churchill to Leicester and District Trades Council, regarding withdrawal of British troops from Russia and Bolshevik actions beyond Russia, 5 August 1920, CHAR 2/110/67-68.
23. 23. Chris Wrigley, Arthur Henderson (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1990), pp. 114-16.
24. 24. Notes of a cabinet meeting, 2 February 1920, K. Middlemas (ed.), Thomas Jones: Whitehall Diary, vol. 2 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), pp. 99-103.
25. 25. Winston Churchill to Sir James Hawkey, regarding alleged subversion in the General Strike, 16 November 1926, CHAR 2/147/167-173.
26. 26. Addison, Churchill on the Home Front, p. 268.
27. 27. Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Churchill: Companion Volume IV: Part 1: January 1917-June 1919 (London: William Heinemann, 1977), p. 539.
28. 28. Summary of Press Comments, including Winston Churchillʼs view that Labour was not fit to govern, 27 February 1920, CHAR 2/110/19; Winston Churchill and Archibald Salvidge, correspondence regarding a public meeting on the ʻpresent dangers of the Socialist movementʼ, April 1924, CHAR 2/132/80, CHAR 2/132/82 and CHAR 2/132/83-85.
29. 29. Winston Churchill, press statement on the alternative to a Labour government, January 1924, CHAR 2/132/1-6.
30. 30. A. H. Richards to Winston Churchill, listing those intending to attend Anti-Nazi Council luncheons (including Labour figures), 28 March 1939, CHAR 2/376/32 and 24 July 1939, CHAR 2/376/66-69.
31. 31. Speech at Free Trade Hall, Manchester, 27 January 1940, Martin Gilbert, The Churchill War Papers: At the Admiralty: September 1939-May 1940, vol. I (London: William Heinemann, 1993), p. 695.
32. 32. Alan Bullock, The Life and Times of Ernest Bevin, vol. 2 (London: Heinemann, 1967), p. 4.
33. 33. Churchill to Luke Fawcett, 4 September 1941, Martin Gilbert, The Churchill War Papers: The Ever-Widening War: 1941, vol. 3 (London: William Heinemann, 2000), p. 1150.
34. 34. Rhodes James, Winston S. Churchill, vol. 7, p. 7172.
35. 35. Quoted in Addison, Churchill on the Home Front, pp. 145-7.
36. 36. Quoted in Wrigley, ʻChurchill and the Trade Unionsʼ, p. 287.
37. 37. Conservative Party Conference Report 1947 (London: Conservative Party, 4 October 1947).
38. 38. Chris Wrigley, British Trade Unions 1945-1995 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997), p. 44.
39. 39. What The Conservatives Will Do (short statement of policy in 1951 general election), CHUR 2/123/44.
40. 40. V. L. Allen, Trade Unions and the Government (London: Longman, 1960), pp. 34 and 304; Anthony Seldon, Churchillʼs Indian Summer (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1981), pp. 29, 199 and 568-9; Justin Davis Smith, The Attlee and Churchill Governments and Industrial Relations (London: Pinter, 1967).

(c) 2013 Chris Wrigley